1377. Secret Takeover of Ukraine
1377. Secret Takeover of Ukraine

1377. Secret Takeover of Ukraine

10/04/2026

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Palantir – one of the big winners in the Ukraine war. While the population is suffering the most terrible consequences of war, Palantir takes advantage of the real war conditions to further develop and then market its software for planning and coordinating military operations. In its own blog, Palantir writes: “The industry is ready and willing. NATO must continue to create opportunities – both in exercise and event formats…” This program shows how this war is not only about testing new weapons systems, but also about rolling out the digital state and thus technocracy – and not only in Ukraine… Source.

Isn’t this strange war in Ukraine, which has now been going on for over four years, being waged simply to keep it going? It offers an excellent platform—one that virtually no simulator can replace—for testing all kinds of military technologies and tactics. Military technology is like the arms race—the enemy continues to evolve as well, and there is no way to gain a decisive advantage. Nevertheless, the technocrats cling to a paranoid belief in the “wonder weapon.” This belief enabled Hitler to hope for victory right up until the end.

On April 18, Alex Karp, CEO of the data and software company Palantir, published 22 theses on X that summarize his book The Technological Republic, co-authored with Nicholas Zamisk.


Because we get asked a lot. The Technological Republic, in brief.

  1. Silicon Valley owes a moral debt to the country that made its rise possible. The engineering elite of Silicon Valley has an affirmative obligation to participate in the defense of the nation.
  2. We must rebel against the tyranny of the apps. Is the iPhone our greatest creative if not crowning achievement as a civilization? The object has changed our lives, but it may also now be limiting and constraining our sense of the possible.
  3. Free email is not enough. The decadence of a culture or civilization, and indeed its ruling class, will be forgiven only if that culture is capable of delivering economic growth and security for the public.
  4. The limits of soft power, of soaring rhetoric alone, have been exposed. The ability of free and democratic societies to prevail requires something more than moral appeal. It requires hard power, and hard power in this century will be built on software.
  5. The question is not whether A.I. weapons will be built; it is who will build them and for what purpose. Our adversaries will not pause to indulge in theatrical debates about the merits of developing technologies with critical military and national security applications. They will proceed.
  6. National service should be a universal duty. We should, as a society, seriously consider moving away from an all-volunteer force and only fight the next war if everyone shares in the risk and the cost.
  7. If a U.S. Marine asks for a better rifle, we should build it; and the same goes for software. We should as a country be capable of continuing a debate about the appropriateness of military action abroad while remaining unflinching in our commitment to those we have asked to step into harm’s way.
  8. Public servants need not be our priests. Any business that compensated its employees in the way that the federal government compensates public servants would struggle to survive.
  9. We should show far more grace towards those who have subjected themselves to public life. The eradication of any space for forgiveness—a jettisoning of any tolerance for the complexities and contradictions of the human psyche—may leave us with a cast of characters at the helm we will grow to regret.
  10. The psychologization of modern politics is leading us astray. Those who look to the political arena to nourish their soul and sense of self, who rely too heavily on their internal life finding expression in people they may never meet, will be left disappointed.
  11. Our society has grown too eager to hasten, and is often gleeful at, the demise of its enemies. The vanquishing of an opponent is a moment to pause, not rejoice.
  12. The atomic age is ending. One age of deterrence, the atomic age, is ending, and a new era of deterrence built on A.I. is set to begin.
  13. No other country in the history of the world has advanced progressive values more than this one. The United States is far from perfect. But it is easy to forget how much more opportunity exists in this country for those who are not hereditary elites than in any other nation on the planet.
  14. American power has made possible an extraordinarily long peace. Too many have forgotten or perhaps take for granted that nearly a century of some version of peace has prevailed in the world without a great power military conflict. At least three generations — billions of people and their children and now grandchildren — have never known a world war.
  15. The postwar neutering of Germany and Japan must be undone. The defanging of Germany was an overcorrection for which Europe is now paying a heavy price. A similar and highly theatrical commitment to Japanese pacifism will, if maintained, also threaten to shift the balance of power in Asia.
  16. We should applaud those who attempt to build where the market has failed to act. The culture almost snickers at Musk’s interest in grand narrative, as if billionaires ought to simply stay in their lane of enriching themselves . . . . Any curiosity or genuine interest in the value of what he has created is essentially dismissed, or perhaps lurks from beneath a thinly veiled scorn.
  17. Silicon Valley must play a role in addressing violent crime. Many politicians across the United States have essentially shrugged when it comes to violent crime, abandoning any serious efforts to address the problem or take on any risk with their constituencies or donors in coming up with solutions and experiments in what should be a desperate bid to save lives.
  18. The ruthless exposure of the private lives of public figures drives far too much talent away from government service. The public arena—and the shallow and petty assaults against those who dare to do something other than enrich themselves—has become so unforgiving that the republic is left with a significant roster of ineffectual, empty vessels whose ambition one would forgive if there were any genuine belief structure lurking within.
  19. The caution in public life that we unwittingly encourage is corrosive. Those who say nothing wrong often say nothing much at all.
  20. The pervasive intolerance of religious belief in certain circles must be resisted. The elite’s intolerance of religious belief is perhaps one of the most telling signs that its political project constitutes a less open intellectual movement than many within it would claim.
  21. Some cultures have produced vital advances; others remain dysfunctional and regressive. All cultures are now equal. Criticism and value judgments are forbidden. Yet this new dogma glosses over the fact that certain cultures and indeed subcultures . . . have produced wonders. Others have proven middling, and worse, regressive and harmful.
  22. We must resist the shallow temptation of a vacant and hollow pluralism. We, in America and more broadly the West, have for the past half century resisted defining national cultures in the name of inclusivity. But inclusion into what?

Excerpts from the #1 New York Times Bestseller The Technological Republic: Hard Power, Soft Belief, and the Future of the West, by Alexander C. Karp & Nicholas W. Zamiska.


The fear of AI becoming uncontrollably autonomous is also being deliberately stoked. It distracts from the actual dangers, including the greatest one: those who master this highly artificial technology taking complete control over humanity. Apocalyptic scenarios in which robots take over the world will forever remain the domain of science fiction literature. Control over the entire world is the goal of humans, not machines. Therefore, should an attack by robots on humans ever occur, it would be the result of deliberate actions by those who control these robots—even if they were equipped with autonomous control systems. AI developers will simply not allow this to happen, as they would thereby lose what matters most to them—control.

Companies such as Palantir in the U.S., Gosuslugi in Russia, and the Chinese firm Xunce pose the greatest potential threat to the people of our planet. Indeed, all three major powers, without exception, are working feverishly to establish technological control over their citizens. Each of these countries uses the same excuse: if we fail to invest in artificial intelligence, our competitors will gain the upper hand. Add to this a fourth, supranational force that also plays a role in controlling the world—the globalists—and only then does the confusing picture of today’s world become not so much clearer as it is more authentic.

Palantir and Dataroom can make existing Ukrainian systems faster, more precise, and more efficient. However, they are neither a “Terminator system” nor a substitute for weapons, soldiers, or industrial production capacity. Their significance lies primarily in adding an additional digital multiplier to existing military capabilities. Source.

When it comes to artificial intelligence, the principle of limited trust should apply—just as it does in road traffic.

Author of the article: Marek Wojcik
Email: worldscam3@gmail.com

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